June 12: Nigeria’s 25-Year Democratic Journey
June 12: Nigeria’s 25-Year Democratic Journey
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| Kudirat Abiola, M.B.O Owolowo Snr and Wole Soyinka |
Following
the free and fair June 12, 1993 presidential elections, M.K.O. Abiola was
effectively president-elect. Because of Abiola’s clout and renowned philanthropy,
the June 12 elections garnered international attention. When Babangida annulled
the election on June 23, 1993, without any justifiable cause or reasonable
explanation, the heat from his political faux pas was so intense that he had to
leave office on August 26, 1993.
As Babangida decided to ‘step aside’, he
bizarrely constituted an impuissant Interim National Government headed by Ernest
Shonekan. Just 83 days into the interim government, a deposition occurred on
November 17, 1993, and the Chief of Defence Staff, Sani Abacha, took over as
Head of State.
Though Abacha had taken the reins of power, the lingering issue of President-Elect
M.K.O. Abiola, remained a major albatross. The matter was compounded on May 10,
1994, during Nelson Mandela’s presidential inauguration in South Africa.
Historically, Nigeria and individuals like Abiola played significant roles in
assisting South Africa’s anti-apartheid movements. Though the Nigerian
government and Abiola were invited to the inauguration, Abiola was accorded
presidential privileges at the ceremony – a move that irked Abacha. The impasse
came to a head when Abiola returned to Nigeria and made a public declaration as
the democratically elected president on June 11, 1994. Abacha felt threatened
by the open declaration and arrested Abiola on June 23, 1994.
Apart from the monumental loot, Abacha’s regime is often regarded as the worst in
Nigeria’s history, primarily because of its notorious human rights record.
Opposition clampdown and elimination of political targets were rife under the
Abacha regime. The government felt the pressure of coordinated local and
international anti-government activities, which involved members of the public,
students, the civil society and groups such as the National Democratic
Coalition (NADECO ). Then on
June 4, 1996, the Abacha government ‘hit squad’ gruesomely murdered Kudirat Abiola – wife of M.K.O.
Abiola. Kudirat Abiola’s assassination compounded Abacha’s woes and drew more
international vilification. In Kudirat Abiola’s honour, the city of New York
renamed the corner of Second Avenue and 44th Street, in Manhattan, Kudirat Abiola Corner.
In personal terms, Kudirat Abiola’s funeral was the last my
father, M.B.O Owolowo Snr, attended before he died on June 25, 1996. My father,
like many others, could not fathom why Abacha would be so callous to kill a 44
year old woman – a mother of seven.
Eventually, Abacha’s position or loot
could not save him when sudden death came calling on June 8, 1998. The power vacuum was
immediately filled on June 9, 1998, and the Chief of Defence Staff, Abdulsalami
Abubakar, became the Head of State.
Abubakar’s government was inundated with the inherited pro-democracy agitations
that demanded the actualisation of the June 12 mandate, and the release of President-Elect
M.K.O. Abiola. Abubakar tried to calm the situation, but the matter became
aggravated when Abiola suddenly died on July 7, 1998. In essence, a
president-elect had died under mysterious circumstances on the eve of his release from political incarceration. Furthermore, it was
revealed Abiola was coughing after drinking ‘tea’, and amongst those present were the then United States
special envoys; US under-secretary of political affairs, Thomas Pickering and
the assistant secretary of state for Africa, Susan Rice.
The then US president, Bill Clinton, expressed regret, and tried to douse
suspicions of foul play in Abiola’s death. The then UK foreign secretary, Robin
Cook, described Abiola’s death as “particularly tragic” because “Abiola had been a symbol of democracy in
Nigeria”. Another dimension that cannot be discounted is that Abiola literally
spearheaded the reparations cause internationally, and due to its implications on the
West in particular, such a move may have earned him some enemies.
Following Abiola’s death, what ensued were immediate protests, riots and
unprecedented chaos that could have Balkanized Nigeria. Parts of the country
literally erupted, especially Lagos. People were maimed and lives were lost. I
won’t go into the gory details of what I witnessed that sad day, but I am glad
I made it home from my school, the University of Lagos – a volatile epicentre during
anti-military upheavals.
With sustained local and international pressure, Abubakar’s regime had to
publicly announce a committed transition to civilian rule. On May 29, 1999, Abdulsalami Abubakar
handed over to former military ruler, Olusegun Obasanjo.
However, for reasons best known to Abdulsalami Abubakar and Olusegeun Obasanjo, June 12, 1999 was not chosen
as the handover date. It is noteworthy to emphasize that President Obasanjo did
not acknowledge the June 12 date throughout his eight-year tenure, despite
being the ultimate beneficiary of the June 12 struggle.
A key reason Obasanjo became a beneficiary of the June 12 struggle is because
politics underpinned by ethnicity and
religion have been an integral part of Nigeria, and has determined how the
system is governed. Since before, and after independence, politics has been
largely identity oriented and loosely based on the geographical demarcations
the British amalgamated in 1914 – North and South (East and West). The pattern
has been sustained since Nigeria’s return to civilian rule in 1999.
The
emergence of Obasanjo, a Southerner (South-West), as president in 1999, was
deliberately hatched to pacify the South, for the death of Abiola, a Southerner
(South-West), during a detention prompted and perpetuated by a Northern
controlled military.
The North and South political pairing model has been evident in all Nigerian
governments since 1999. 1999: President Olusegun Obasanjo (Christian, South)
and Vice-President Atiku Abubakar (Muslim, North). 2007: President Umar Musa
Yar’Adua (Muslim, North) and Vice-President Goodluck Jonathan (Christian,
South). 2011: President Goodluck Jonathan (Christian, South) and Vice-President
Namadi Sambo (Muslim, North). 2015: President Muhammadu Buhari (Muslim, North)
and Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo (Christian, South). 2023: President Bola Ahmed
Tinubu (Muslim, South) and Vice-President Kashim Shettima (Muslim, North).
Though not enshrined in the constitution, the rotation of power between the
North and the South has been added to the mix of political complexities. Also,
the death of Umar Musa Yar’Adua (Muslim, North) in 2010 complicated matters,
because his tenure was not only completed by Goodluck Jonathan (Christian,
South), but Jonathan became Yar’Adua’s successor after the 2011 elections.
Nigeria’s 2023 elections involved the usual agitations, permutations and
machinations that were not devoid of ethnic considerations. The major bone of contention that threatened
Nigeria’s fractious unity was whether power should be retained in the North or
returned to the South. Though a section of Nigerians believe that Nigeria
should have evolved beyond the north-south divide, the reality on ground is
quite different.
The
2023 presidential election was actually a litmus test for Nigeria, because of
the fulfilment of the unwritten agreement of “power rotation”. Despite the scheming
of some ethno-religious extremists, the “Muslim-Muslim”
ticket of Tinubu and Shettima emerged victorious. The last time such a presidential
ticket pairing of two Muslims was widely accepted was June 12, 1993 with M.K.O.
Abiola and Babagana Kingibe. This further emphasizes why June 12 is so
important in Nigeria’s history.
As
with every election, there are reservations and remonstrations, and 2023 was no
exception. However, the fact of the matter is that the political opposition
instituted a self-inflicting fragmentation which handed electoral victory to
the incumbent.
Adherence to democratic principles is paramount for any system to thrive. And part
of adhering to democratic principles is accepting electoral outcomes and
utilizing legal channels. You do not advocate for anarchy because of
dissatisfaction with the outcome of an election. It smacks of political
immaturity and unsophistication to condemn a system because your candidate did
not win an election. The way Nigeria is structured, political alliances have to
be established across all geopolitical zones nationwide. So it is impossible
for a sectional candidate to win the presidential elections.
Crucially,
social media popularity does not translate to electoral victory. The youth
especially, must accept reality and not be deluded by the vacuity of social
media. There must be commitment and active participation to challenge the
status quo. More importantly, the youth should eschew violence and not allow
themselves to be used as expendable pawns by the political class. Desperate politicians tend to foment ethno-religious
conflicts for personal gains. The ethnicization of crimes and weaponization of
religion created a miasmatic milieu where hate and bigotry festered over a
protracted period. The orchestration of conflicts often instigates debates
about indigenisation, homogeneity and heterogeneity. The politicization of
restructuring and a combination of politically induced and financially motivated
secessionist agitations pervade the polity. The Balkanization of a nation that
has long been blighted by mismanagement will only manifest as a localized maladroit
version.
Rather than exacerbate minute differences, Nigeria can learn from the spirit of
June 12, 1993 by uniting for bigger collective objectives. Nigerians need to
feel the direct socioeconomic impact of the dividends of democracy because
Nigeria has a major role to play in entrenching democratic ideals across the
African continent. For instance, the spate of coup d’états that have rocked some countries
within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
region is especially worrisome.
Having lived through the errors of the
military government, Nigeria has made the correct decision in solidifying its
democratic credentials, and is worthy of emulation.
As Nigeria continues its
democratic journey, I commemorate the many unsung heroes, particularly those who
died for a better society.
Happy June 12 Democracy Day and God Bless!
© M.B.O 2024
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